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Enforcement / ICE / DHS
Congress Calls to Decrease ICE Detention as COVID-19 Continues to Spread
The House Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security introduced their proposed budget for the Fiscal Year 2021 (beginning October 1, 2020) this week. The budget would have significant implications for the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention facilities—current hotspots of the coronavirus pandemic. In a reversal of previous budget requests, this budget proposes a major,
The House Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security introduced their proposed budget for the Fiscal Year 2021 (beginning October 1, 2020) this week. The budget would have significant implications for the U.S.
(ICE) detention facilities—current hotspots of the coronavirus pandemic.
In a reversal of previous budget requests, this budget proposes a major decrease in funds for detention and other immigration operations across the board.
If approved, the spending bill would:
- Cut the Department of Homeland Security’s deportation operations by 25%.
- Eliminate family detention by the end of the year.
- Impose a 20-day limit on holding individuals in detention.
- Increase funding to expand alternatives to detention programs.
- Avoid funding the hiring of more Border Patrol agents.
First, an entire dorm of immigrant detainees at the South Louisiana ICE Processing Center was locked down after one of them showed symptoms of COVID-19. But the guards never explained what was happening, and they routinely walked into the dorms without wearing gloves or other protective gear.
Eventually, several dorms in the complex were locked down. “I think that if it hit here, a lot of people with underlying situations like me — we won’t make it,” said a detainee with chronic respiratory and heart problems.
At ICE facilities across the country, there’s a sense of panic or desperation as the coronavirus pandemic spreads. As of April 1, there were 11 confirmed cases among immigrant detainees and staff at ICE detention facilities.
Thousands of medical and legal professionals have asked ICE to release detainees en masse, beginning, at minimum, with those most vulnerable to complications from COVID-19.
In some cases, ICE has released small groups of detainees, mostly in response to orders from federal courts. But the vast majority of the more than 35,000 people in ICE detention remain locked up in facilities that are indistinguishable from prisons.
Notably, the spending bill calls for enough money to fund an average daily population of 22,000 adults in ICE custody. This is a huge decrease from Fiscal Year 2019, which allowed for 40,520 beds. The agency grossly overspent, however, as there were over 55,000 people in ICE custody at one point in 2019.
These proposed cuts—while far from final—would be a significant departure from detention numbers in recent years. But a commitment to reduce the number of people in ICE detention centers couldn’t be more critical or timely.
The death toll from COVID-19 in the United States has reached almost 135,000, placing United States as the world leader in terms of infections and coronavirus-related deaths. As many states consider resuming lockdowns to stem the further spread of the virus, the number of confirmed cases within ICE detention facilities continues to rise.
The agency alleges it has taken steps to reduce the overall population of people in ICE facilities. As of June 27, 2020, there were about 23,000 men and women in ICE custody. This is down from around 38,000 people on February 29. Even so, it’s not enough.
Concerns around ICE detention during the pandemic have been consistent since COVID-19 took hold in the United States this spring:
- The longstanding lack of access to medical care within ICE facilities.
- The inability of detained people to socially distance themselves within congregate settings.
- Insufficient cleaning and hygiene supplies, and personal protective gear.
Hundreds of detained immigrants have been transferred by ICE between jails, prisons, and ICE detention centers. Many of them have been transferred across the country, sometimes crossing multiple state lines.
ICE stated that the transfers were sometimes done to further stem the spread of the virus. But in some cases, the transfers actually led to outbreaks in ICE facilities.
The agency is frequently unwilling to release people on parole, despite the availability of community-based alternatives to detention. In some cases, attorneys desperate to secure the release of clients with serious health conditions are being forced to file habeas petitions in federal court to force the government’s hand.
The immediate solution to the continued spread of COVID-19 within ICE detention facilities is clear – ICE should consider community-based alternatives to detention and immediately release individuals from custody, particularly those who have underlying health conditions.
In the long-term, Congress should work to reduce the overall number of people in immigration detention across and instead call on ICE to rely on viable and effective alternatives. If nothing else, the current pandemic has shown us that detaining high numbers of people in dangerous settings is unnecessary and costly.
Rep. Tlaib: Inmates ‘left to die’ during pandemic
Michigan Democrat Rep. Rashida Tlaib is calling for the release of eligible inmates in jail or prison during the pandemic to prevent them from contracting the virus while in custody. Tlaib introduced the legislation along with Rep. Ayanna Pressley and Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, Rep. Karen Bass.
Tlaib says that mass incarceration is a problem that has unfairly plagued communities of color and now during the COVID-19 pandemic, inmates are being “left to die” in overcrowded systems that do not have the resources to treat large amounts of sick people.
Most of the people that are going to be impacted by this are people of color. If you look at who can’t afford bail are people of color if you look at who’s an immigrant in detention are people of color,” said Tlaib. “We have better resources and a way that allows them to be held accountable. But without a way to put them in a system that is so deteriorated and allows them to get sick and, and to die.”
The Congresswoman recognizes that the push for the legislation is still in the early stages and she says will require “education and advocacy to make this a priority.” “I don’t see it there yet,” she acknowledged.
The legislation would aim to leverage federal money to encourage the release of eligible inmates up to a year after the pandemic ends.
Eligible inmates include:
- Those awaiting trial
- Serving misdemeanor sentences
- Immigrants in Ice detention
- Pregnant women and primary caregivers
- Inmates over 55 or those medically-susceptible to coronavirus
Federal Bureau of Prisons statistics shows that more than 1,440 federal inmates have confirmed positive test results for COVID-19 nationwide.
Source: Congress Calls to Decrease ICE Detention as COVID-19 Continues to Spread
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Courts / Judicial
Federal appeals court overturns ban against immigration arrests at Massachusetts courthouses
A three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit Tuesday overturned a ban prohibiting US immigration authorities from arresting undocumented immigrants at courthouses in Massachusetts. In 2018, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) formalized a policy of attempting to arrest undocumented immigrants when they appeared at state courthouses for judicial,
A three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit Tuesday overturned a ban prohibiting US immigration authorities from arresting undocumented immigrants at courthouses in Massachusetts.
In 2018, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) formalized a policy of attempting to arrest undocumented immigrants when they appeared at state courthouses for judicial proceedings. Two Massachusetts district attorneys, the public defender’s office and a non-profit immigrant advocacy organization filed a lawsuit against ICE and asked for a preliminary injunction against the practice. They claimed that ICE was in violation of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and lacked authority to make civil arrests at courts. The district court agreed, and granted an injunction last year.
At issue is a claim that the INA implicitly incorporates a common law privilege that protects those attending court from being subject to civil arrest. While nothing in the text of the INA prohibits these types of courthouse arrests, the plaintiffs argued that the law must be read in light of the nonderogation canon, a method of statutory construction that holds that courts must assume Congress is aware of long-standing common law principles and, absent express language to the contrary, intends to keep them.
Judge Bruce Selya wrote Tuesday that “the nonderogation canon does not give courts carte blanche to read a grab bag of common law rules into federal statutes simply to effectuate what those courts may perceive as good policy.” The circuit court held that the nonderogation canon applies if the facts of the common law rule and the statute in question are sufficiently analogous. The common law prohibited civil arrests at court by private litigants, while here the arrests are being carried out by a government agency. The panel vacated the preliminary injunction and remanded the matter back to the district court.
Rachael Rollins, district attorney for Suffolk County and one of the plaintiffs in the case, said in a statement that “this fight is far from over” and that the plaintiffs “are absolutely on the right side of justice here.”
The post Federal appeals court overturns ban against immigration arrests at Massachusetts courthouses appeared first on JURIST – News – Legal News & Commentary.
Source: Federal appeals court overturns ban against immigration arrests at Massachusetts courthouses
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Enforcement / ICE / DHS
Traffic From Mexico Blows Through U.S. Travel Restrictions
President Donald Trump’s ban on “non-essential” border travel isn’t slowing down traffic coming from Mexico. Since the March 20 order was extended to Sept. 21, volumes have increased and sharply in some areas. San Ysidro, the busiest port of entry in California, saw a 72 percent rise in northbound pedestrian crossings from April to July.,
President Donald Trump’s ban on “non-essential” border travel isn’t slowing down traffic coming from Mexico. Since the March 20 order was extended to Sept. 21, volumes have increased and sharply in some areas.
San Ysidro, the busiest port of entry in California, saw a 72 percent rise in northbound pedestrian crossings from April to July. The number of private vehicle passengers rose 62 percent, and the number of private vehicles increased 47 percent.
Pedestrians and private-vehicle passengers coming through San Ysidro combined for a total of 1,693,338 crossings in July, compared to 1,031,906 in April.
El Paso, the biggest border crossing in Texas, recorded a whopping 220 percent increase in pedestrians from April to July. Vehicle passenger counts were up 106 percent, with the number of vehicles climbing 79 percent.
Pedestrians and vehicle passengers at El Paso combined for 963,457 crossings in July, compared to 419,046 in April.
The tallies by the U.S. Department of Transportation include individuals who enter the country multiple times per month. The crossings may or may not be “essential”; U.S. Customs and Border Protection has not reported how many people are turned back.
But following a pattern FAIR reported on last month, entries into this country are increasing substantially at the southern border, even as Americans remain under coronavirus restrictions.
U.S. ambassador to Mexico, Christopher Landau, cited five- and six-hour delays at ports of entry as border agents focus on “essential travel.” He said many were crossing to shop, dine and visit families. “Such irresponsible behavior is exacerbating the health crisis,” he said.
Border counties in Texas have reported spikes in COVID cases and hospitalizations. Officials in Starr and Hidalgo counties started imposing curfews and voluntary stay-at-home directives in July, urging that non-essential business activities be curtailed or suspended.
Yet despite presidential edicts and local pleas, border traffic keeps building. At current rates, crossings will be back to pre-COVID levels by the time the administration’s non-essential travel ban expires — if they’re not already.
Source: Traffic From Mexico Blows Through U.S. Travel Restrictions
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Enforcement / ICE / DHS
Institutional Racism Is Rampant in Immigration Enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico Border
A Black former U.S. diplomat recently shared her experience of months of racial profiling by U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials while she was stationed at the U.S. Consulate in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. She was tasked with enforcing U.S. immigration law, but nevertheless found herself racially profiled and discriminated against by U.S. immigration,
A Black former U.S. diplomat recently shared her experience of months of racial profiling by U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials while she was stationed at the U.S. Consulate in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. She was tasked with enforcing U.S. immigration law, but nevertheless found herself racially profiled and discriminated against by U.S. immigration authorities.
The problem became so severe that she now suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder and had to quit her job. Unfortunately, this is just one example of immigration officials’ long history of racism at the border.
CBP Racially Profiles a U.S. Diplomat
In 2018, Tianna Spears was a new diplomat stationed at the U.S. Consulate in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. She frequently crossed the border into El Paso, Texas, as thousands of other U.S. citizens do every day. However, she soon found that she was treated differently than others by CBP officers at the border.
Spears estimates that CBP officers required her to go through “secondary inspection” approximately two out of every three times that she crossed. This outcome should have been extremely rare given her diplomatic passport and SENTRI card allowing for expedited clearance. Her non-Black colleagues never had similar experiences.
Spears repeatedly raised the issue to CBP and her consulate supervisors, but the situation only worsened. She reports that CBP officers sometimes did not believe she was a diplomat and accused her of stealing her car. Their questioning was aggressive and threatening.
The mental health effects of the harassment eventually forced her to leave her job and return to the United States.
CBP Has a Long History of Racism
There is a long and documented history of immigration officials engaging in racial profiling and harassment at ports of entry.
Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Mexican citizens crossing into El Paso had to undergo a delousing process. CBP officials stripped them, shaved their heads, and forced them to take a bath in gasoline. This discriminatory process was based on a stereotype that Mexicans were dirty and diseased.
Much more recently, the Office of the Inspector General found that CBP improperly retaliated against one of their officers that reported misconduct he observed within the agency. The officer stated that CBP was disproportionately targeting Black drivers for further inspection at the ports of entry between Detroit, Michigan and Windsor, Canada.
But CBP’s history of racial profiling is not limited to people crossing the border. The agency also has the power to stop and question people within 100 miles of borders or coastlines. Approximately two-thirds of Americans live within this area, which is sometimes called the Constitution-free zone.
Border Patrol Targets People Who “Look Mexican”
CBP’s activities within the border zone are performed by one of its component agencies, the Border Patrol. The Border Patrol has targeted border residents appearing to be of Mexican descent for almost 100 years. Throughout that time, people going about their daily lives near the border have been racially profiled, stopped, and interrogated—regardless of U.S. citizenship or immigration status.
In 1975, the Supreme Court ruled that “Mexican appearance” could not be the sole reason a roving Border Patrol officer stopped someone. It could, however, be a “relevant factor” in deciding whether to do so.
The Border Patrol runs permanent and temporary checkpoints on roads leading away from the border. A 2015 American Civil Liberties Union report Guilty Until Proven Innocent revealed that CBP officers working at checkpoints racially profiled and even interfered with the medical care of border residents.
Residents of Arivaca, Arizona conducted observations of the checkpoint at the entrance to their community. Latino-occupied vehicles were more than 26 times more likely to be required to show identification while passing through the checkpoint.
In 2014, the Department of Justice modified its guidance on officers discriminating based on race or ethnicity. Previous loopholes gave law enforcement permission to discriminate. However, other loopholes remain, including some for CBP activities at or near the border.
Stories like that of U.S. diplomat Spears serve as examples of the historical and institutional racism within CBP and the U.S. immigration system more broadly. We need increased transparency and oversight to force cultural changes within CBP. These significant changes are necessary to prevent further injustices and ensure the Constitution applies equally to all people.
Source: Institutional Racism Is Rampant in Immigration Enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico Border
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